[The following report was issued by the Fredrich-Ebert-Stiftung Foundation. Click here to download the full report with maps and footnotes.]
The Alawite Dilemma in Homs: Survival, Solidarity and the Making of a Community
Introduction
Syria's Alawites are often portrayed as a monolithic religious community which has unconditionally and unwavering supported the Syrian regime through the crisis which has shaken the country since March 2011. However, very little attention has been paid to the community’s diversity and to reasons for its support of the regime that might extend beyond the simplistic equation: »The ruling family is Alawite, and therefore Syria’s Alawites support the regime.« While emphasizing the Alawite community’s diversity in the context of the current situation, this research analyzes the fears for survival and the socio-economic conditions which underpin the current expressions of Alawite solidarity with the regime.
This study focuses on the Alawite community of Homs, a city located in the economic and strategic centre of the country with its numerous factories, oil refineries, fertilizer plants, power plants, gas storage facilities, etc. This region is militarily important, as it is the seat of the country’s most important military institutions. Alawites from Homs and its environs are employed in great numbers by these state-run industries and military institutions, and the region has suffered economically due to the current crisis, especially since late 2011 and early 2012. The Alawites from Homs and its environs are employed in great numbers by these state-run industries and military institutions, and the region has suffered economically due to the current crisis, especially since late 2011 and early 2012. The Alawites of Homs and the surrounding region are a minority, and their presence in the city is relatively recent, stretching back only 20–30 years. Most Alawites came to the city from the surrounding towns or villages and it is in fact not possible to discuss the Alawites of Homs without referring to the villages of origin with which individual Alawites maintain strong links, whether through the presence of relatives, houses or land that they continue to cultivate. From within their neighbourhoods, Alawite residents of the city tend to cluster amongst those who originate from the same villages. It would not be an exaggeration to state that the Alawites have moved their villages to the city. In fact, some consider the city's expansion a result of the extension of surround villages into the city, rather than the more traditional movement of outward growth from within the city to the country. Before March 2011, while the different neighbourhoods of Homs tended to be dominated by one community - whether Sunni, Alawite, Christian, or Shiite, a peaceful pluralistic society generally prevailed. It was not uncommon to find minority-owned businesses, such as Sunni shops in Alawite neighbourhoods. In some of the newer areas developed in the mid-1990s, the population was mixed, a trend which has progressively reversed since March 2011.
The study differentiates between the hinterland (dakhel), i.e. the Homs-Hama region, and those from the Mediterranean coastal region (sahel) and it argues that Alawite solidarity does not represent a monolithic community. Another key objective of this study is to demonstrate the difference between the lived experiences of Alawites of the hinterland/dakhel and those of the coastal region/sahel. The distinction has historical antecedents, but appears to have become further exacerbated by the current situation of turmoil. Alawites from the Homs region consider themselves particularly vulnerable compared with their counterparts in the coastal region, where Alawites remain a majority. The Alawites from Homs also feel excluded from the power structure which, in their eyes, is monopolized by Alawites from the coastal areas. However, due to the nature of the current turmoil in Syria, these differences operate to reinforce or create sentiments of a common group affiliation, re-establishing social cohesion from within the Alawite community as a whole.
This study will also demonstrate that support for the regime by the Alawites from Homs is multi-faceted. The Alawites not only work for state-run economic and military institutions where they earn incomes which they depend on for their livelihoods, but they fundamentally fear for their lives as the present uprising is increasingly seen as an anti-Alawite movement rather than a popular revolution. Consequently, the Alawites are not able to conceive of a viable alternative for their survival other than acceptance and support for the present regime. For many Alawites, support for President Bashar al-Assad and his regime is not simply a matter of endorsement, but has evolved into a basic fear for the lives of family members or neighbours whose employment in the army, the secret service or paramilitary groups – the notorious Shabiha. This support can be regarded as a manner in which Alawites seek protection and a key to their basis survival.
This research will also demonstrate how the regime has used the secret service to garner the allegiance of Homs’ Alawites who broadly perceive the Mukhabarat as an institution which is controlled and dominated by coastal Alawites. Finally, it will show that despite the fact that the Alawites of Homs remain civilians, most have family members or neighbours who work for the army, the secret service or the paramilitary and this has contributed to the greater »militarization« of the community. In this, context, the rise of the Shabiha inHoms can be associated rather with the communitiy's militarization rather than with a concerted strategy to suppress the uprising. There are other factors which have also strengthened the community’s sense of cohesion, most notably shared religious values at a time of heightened sectarian tensions, as well as the influence of the media, both state-run television and social media networks.
This study is based on observations and interviews conducted with members of the Alawite community in the Homs area during the summer of 2012. The interviewees range from army officers to paramilitaries and civilians, including students, academics, businessmen and individuals from diverse backgrounds. While some identified themselves explicitly as religiously observant Alawites, others consider themselves trapped in the »Alawite box« as a result of the current crisis. Some interviewees were aware of the research, whereas others were not aware of the aims of our discussions. This was particularly true of the Shabiha with whom I spent time as a »participant observer«. Some of the interviews and observations gathered in outlying villages were provided by intermediaries. The interviewed sample is not representative in that it does not reflect a broad cross sectional range of views by Alawites, although it nevertheless provides some insight into the Alawite community in Homs. The objective is neither to censure nor to defend but to shed light on the multifaceted and often complex political and social realities of the Alawite community in Homs today.
[Click here to download the full report with maps and footnotes.]